[英语演讲视频]英语演讲中英对照

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　　火炬已经传给新一代美国人 First Inaugural Address

　　Brief introduction to the speaker:

　　John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin's bullet.

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　　We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

　　The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which. we are committed today at home and around the world.

　　Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty

　　This much we pledge and more.

　　To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.

　　To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

　　To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it 's cannot save the few who are rich.

　　To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

　　To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it's written and run.

　　Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.

　　We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.

　　But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

　　So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

　　Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

　　Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute cont作文五年级rol of all nations.

　　Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

　　Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.

　　And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.

　　In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.

　　Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

　　Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

　　In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

　　And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.

　　Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must truly be our own.

　　演讲者简介：

　　约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。1960年的11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史选择产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

　　今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

　　现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

　　今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪--他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

　　让每个国家都知道--不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落--为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

　　这些就是我们的保证--而且还有更多的保证。

　　对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成--因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

　　对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由--而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

　　对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间---之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

　　对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证---在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

　　对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

　　最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

　　我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

　　但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰---发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

　　因此，让我们双方重新开始--双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

　　让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

　　让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

　　让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

　　让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令---“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

　　如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。

　　所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

　　公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

　　现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

　　为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球太联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

　　在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

　　因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

　　全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

　　最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。

　　初中英语演讲稿：我的梦想（my dream）

　　Students, guests , teachers and Honorable Judges

　　Good morning !

　　My great pleasure to share my dream with you today. my dream is to become a teacher....

　　As the whole world has its boundaries, limits and freedom coexist in our life. I don’t expect complete freedom, which is impossible. I simply have a dream that supports my life.

　　I dream that one day, I could escape from the deep sea of thick schoolbooks and lead my own life. With my favorite fictions, I lie freely on the green grass, smelling the spring, listening to the wind singing, breathing the fresh and cool air and dissolve my soul in nature at last. Simple and short enjoyment can bring me great satisfaction.

　　I dream that one day the adults could throw their prejudice of comic and cartoon away. They could keep a lovely heart that can share sorrow and happiness with us while watching cartoon or doing personal things. That’s the real communication of heart to heart.

　　I have the belief that my dreams should come true. I am looking forward to some day coming when I am like a proud eagle, which flies to the blue and vast sky.

　　On His Ninetieth Birthday，当九十岁来临时演讲，奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯

　　On His Ninetieth Birthday，当九十岁来临时演讲，奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯

　　Brief introduction to the speaker :

　　Oliver WendeIl HoImes (1841-1935) Oliver WendeIl Holmes, Jr., was known as "the great dissenter". In 1902 President Theodore Roosevelt appointed him an associate justice of the. United States Supreme Court. He served until he was almost 91 years old.

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　　In this symposium, better is it to on1y sit in si1ence. To express one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. That l would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. But just as one says that, the answer comes the race is over but the work never is done while the power to work remains. The canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest, it cannot be while you still live. But to Ivies is to function, that is all there is in living. So I end with a land from a Latin voice who had heard the message more than fifteen hundred years ago death, death, clutch my ear, and says, live, I am coming.

　　演讲者简介：

　　奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯以“大反对家”而著称。1902年，瑟奥多·罗斯福总统任命他美国最高法院陪审法官。他任此职将近91岁

　　此刻，沉默是金。生命行将结束，要表达个人感受并非易事。我只想谈一下作为一名听众的想法。骑手们并非一到终点就即刻停止，而是继续缓步向前，倾听朋友的欢呼，并告诉自己行程结束了。但能力尚在，人生之行程就永未结束。终点之后的慢跑并非止步不前，因为活着便不能如此。活着就要有所作为，这就是生命的真谛。最后谨以一句古老的拉丁格言与诸位共勉：死神不至，生命不止。

　　罗斯福要求国会对日本宣战演讲 Declaration of War双语

　　Brief introduction to the speaker :

　　Franklin D. Roosevelt(1882-1945)On the morning of Sunday, Dec.7, 1941, Japanese bombers, fighter planes, and torpedo planes attacked the American naval base at Pearl Harbor. The next day, December 8, the president of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, addressed Congress and the American people, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy." Congress declared war on Japan. The United States was thereupon brought into World War II.

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　　Yesterday December 7, 1941--a date which will Live in infamy--United States of America, was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

　　United States was at peace with that nation, and at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its Emperor, working towards the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

　　Indeed, one hour after, Japanese air squadrons have commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu. The Japanese Ambassador关于爱国的句子 to the United States and his co1leagues, delivered to our Secretary of States a forma1 reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seems useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

　　It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned, many days, or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

　　The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian island has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu. Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine islands.

　　Last night, the Japanese attacked Week island.

　　And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway island. Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and 致家长的一封信today speak for themselves. The people of the United States has already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

　　As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.

　　But always, let our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

　　No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory

　　I believe that I interpret the will of Congress and of the people, when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

　　Hostilities exist, there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory and our interest are in后天观后感 grave danger With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph, so help us God.

　　I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday December 7, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.

　　演讲者简介：

　　941年12月7日，星期天的清晨，日本轰炸机、战斗机、鱼雷机袭击了珍珠港美国海军基地。翌日，美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福对国会和美国人民发表演说，称12月7日为国耻日。国会遂对日本宣战。美国就此进入二战。

　　昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。

　　在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及领导人谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。

　　日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要、但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。

　　夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。

　　日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

　　昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。

　　昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

　　昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

　　昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。

　　昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

　　今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

　　这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危问题。

　　作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。

　　无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。

　　我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这背信弃义的危害，我相信我表达出了国会和人民的意志。

　　大敌当前。我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。

　　我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

　　我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

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